Report of the Study Team

ON GUJARAT CARNAGE

INDIAN SOCIAL ACTION FORUM

 

Teams of Reference of the Study Team

a.   The fascist mobilization, planning, training (militia) and pogrom in Gujarat.

b.   The conditions of victims of the genocide/pogrom.

c.   The role of the state.

d.   The issues and concerns for social action groups and the anti fascist mobilization. It was resolved that the study team would spend more time in the rural areas of Eastern Gujarat which have remained largely untouched by earlier investigations/studies.

 

 

Study Team Members

·      Kalpana Kannabiran, Professor, NALSAR, Hyderabad

·      Dayamani Barla, National President, INSAF, Jharkhand

·      Chittaranjan Singh, PUCL, Allahabad

·      Shashi Sail, Chhattisgarh Mahila Jagruthi Sangathan, Chhattisgarh

·      Manimala, Journalist, Delhi

·        Wilfred D’Costa, INSAF, Ahmedabad

 

 

 

Published on

12th April 2002

by

INSAF

H-12, Anupam Nagar, PO: Shankar Nagar, Raipur - 492 007, Chhattisgarh

Tel : 91-771- 283387; Fax : 91-7723-23289, e-mail :  insaf@vsnl.com

 

National Affairs Office :

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Tel: 011-6968121, e-mail : insaf@vsnl.com


The communal carnage in Godhra, the build up of Ram Mandir at Ayodhya, and the genocide in Gujarat are reasons enough to bow our heads in shame. 'We the people of India' who have proclaimed ourselves to be a secular and democratic republic, and profess the right to a life with no communal violence.

 

As a national forum of about 500 social action groups, social movements and intellectuals INSAF is committed to resist globalization, combat communalism, and defend democracy.  Since its inception in November 1993, INSAF has taken up Secular Action Agenda as its main plank of programmes.  All member organizations have been involved in action to ensure peace and harmony in the midst of communal carnage in the country, especially during 12th and 15th of March 2002.

 

At its Lucknow Convention on "Citizen's Agenda to Strengthen Secular-Democratic Polity" in March 2002, it was decided to send a team to study

 

a.           The fascist mobilization, planning, training (militia) and pogrom in Gujarat

b.           The conditions of victims of the genocide/pogrom

c.           The role of the state

d.           The issues and concerns for social action groups and the anti-fascist mobilization. 

 

It was resolved that the Study Team would spend more time in the rural areas of Eastern Gujarat which have remained largely untouched by earlier investigations/studies.

 

The report and recommendations of the Study Team would be placed before the National General Body of INSAF between 12th and 14th  April at Hyderabad, and would form the basis for formulations of a long-term strategy and action plan for INSAF to intervene in the Gujarat situation in particular, and the country in general.

 

A team of seven persons from different parts of the country toured the rural areas of Gujarat from 2nd to 5th of April, met with affected people, visited villages and relief camps, and discussed the issue with intellectuals and social activists in Gujarat.  The team consisted of:

·  Dayamani Barla, National President, INSAF, Ranchi, Jharkhand

·  Chittaranjan Singh, PUCL, Allahabad, U.P.

·  Shashi Sail, Chhattisgarh Mahila Jagruthi Sangathan, Raipur, Chhattisgarh

·  Manimala, Journalist, New Delhi

·  Kalpana Kannabiran, Professor, NALSAR, Hyderabad, A.P.

·  Wilfred D'Costa, INSAF, Ahmedabad, Gujarat

Akshay Sail from Chhattisgarh did the Video filming & documentation for the Study Team.

Visit to the Relief Camps and Villages:

We went to Chhota-udepur town, which is surrounded by several villages of which 48 villages have been directly affected by violence. We visited two villages and met people from several of the other villages at the relief camp in Chhota-udepur.  There are 2300 people in the relief camp here.  In three or four villages, Muslims were asked in advance to leave their villages, by the adivasis.

 

The facilities at the Relief Camp at Chhota-udepur were at its basic minimum. We visited the people at the Relief Camps on 2nd March at night while they were having their evening meal.  We saw that all the people were housed in an open tent with no protection from either the heat of the day or at night.

 

We spoke to many men, women and even young girls in the camps. All of them shared that they had to run from their homes at the last minute with just the clothes that they were wearing.  Even though in some villages, Muslims had been initially assured safety by their neighbours, but in the face of the mob this support was withdrawn.  Almost every Muslim - man or woman - we spoke to, claimed to having good relations with the adivasis in their village and were of the opinion that these adivasis had been used by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Sangh Parivar outfits to attack the Muslims.  We were also informed that the adivasi youth had been offered money and also assured that no police action would be taken against them when they loot the property of the Muslims.  Many mothers of young school-going children expressed concern about their studies and also shared with deep pain their inability to assure their children of being able to go back to their homes and villages.

 

The people at the relief camp in Chhota-udepur are mostly from village Panvad.  All of them have been there for a month.  There were no incidents of killing or rape in any of these villages in the tribal belt.  Only damage to property and looting on a large scale. The Saba Charitable Trust is running the relief camp with food grain supplied by the government, though their rehabilitation is the major issue.  Local leaders like Professor Pathan have already begun to have meetings with the displaced people, preparing them for return to their villages, and are planning meetings with the Adivasi leaders so as to create an atmosphere that would facilitate the peoples' return to their homes.

 

We then visited village Joj that had only 7 or 8 Muslim families. On 5th March the Muslim families in this village packed their belongings in three trucks and left the village.  But their trucks were stopped on the way in Chorwana village. And, in front of their eyes the truckloads of belongings were looted and burnt by a mob armed with guns, trishuls, and bows and arrows. Mr. Dalsinh Rathva, an adivasi school teacher says: All the people here are adivasis. They are innocent. They were given liquor and money and threatened with dire consequences if they did not participate in the arson and looting.  The people did not even know why they were doing this. Two tempos came carrying weapons and men.  The police did not give any protection to the Muslims.  I called them thrice and was told the police was on its way.  At 3:00 a.m. they had still not come and we were asked to stay indoors. The adivasis were drunk and acting on instructions.  The Muslims who were fleeing were stopped and the trucks carrying their belongings were burnt by the mob. They came armed with swords, sickles, trishuls, guns and whatever they had.  We later spoke to the adivasis who took part in the loot & arson, who also admitted that they had been used. There were young boys and men.  No women!  The women stood and wept silently, watching the destruction. One woman from the blacksmith community asked the rioters to stop the violence.  Her house was also burnt down”.

 

Syed, s/o Kasimbhai Malik of Joj said to us: " We were told after the 28th February that the VHP would come for us.  We had lived in this village for 38 years.  It was the people from our village who asked us to leave.  They were all members of the BJP - karyakarthas.  The Sarpanch in our village incited everyone - Tersinhbhai Rathva.  Even those who wanted to help could not come near us.  We left on 6th March and have been staying in the relief camp since then".

 

The other village in this area that we visited was Panvad, which has a population of 11,000 of which Muslims number about 1000.  There are Muslims, Adivasis, Baniyas, Lohars and Prajapatis in the village, the Adivasis being in the majority.  Muslims were engaged in vehicle business - renting trucks, tempos, jeeps- brick business, and a few families were engaged in agriculture.  Around Panvad there were several villages with just two or three Muslim families in each village like Karajawant, Ummadia, Ummaswada, Baidia, Kochwad, Goongalia, Raicha, Panawala, Asar, Amrol, Modga Jeevri, Singla.  As the trouble began on the 28th and there were many rumours against the Muslims so these families started leaving their villages and coming to Panvad for shelter. At 2:30 p.m. on 10th March, adivasis from neighbouring villages began gathering in Panvad. Then the attack began.  Local leaders Maheshbhai Joshi, Kiritbhai Shah and Ashokbhai Sharma, all non-adivasis were directing the adivasis, and offered no protection to the Muslim families. Thirteen vehicles (of which two trucks and six jeeps were parked in the police station for safe custody, and the rest were parked right in front of the police station even before the trouble began) were burnt even while the police watched. All the Muslims in Panvad were forced to leave the village that day. 

 

When we as a team visited the village on 3rd April, we found the devastation shocking.  All the houses of the Muslims were burnt and broken to rubble after being looted, written on the soot of the walls of the devastated homes were slogans declaring Hindustan to be the land of the Hindus, and abusive language. While we were video-shooting and photographing the burnt down houses in this village we were told that there were instructions from Kiritbhai Shah that nobody should take photographs without his consent and that there should be a written permit to do so.  Because Kiritbhai’s house is located between two Muslim houses, those houses were broken down and not burnt, due to the fear that his house may also catch fire.  All the Hindu houses in Panvad prominently displayed a small picture frame of Radhakrishna, possibly to identify it as a Hindu house.  Karimbhai Ismailbhai from Panvad was one of the people we met.

 

On 2nd March, Fifty-five houses were destroyed in Kadwal.  The Masjid, which was under construction, was razed to the ground and the books in it were burnt. "Jai Siya Ram" was inscribed on the debris.  We met Mahboob Bhai, the Mukhia of Kadwal and Shakera Bibi, both now at the relief camp in Chhota-udepur. Shakera Bibi said: "We were assured that nothing would happen to us.  But on 3rd March the people were given kerosene and they burnt our homes.  It is the people in our village who identified our houses to the rioters who were mostly from other villages.  We were running and they threatened to kill us.  They looted our house and carried everything away.  They burnt our animals. But we want to go back. After the Sabarmati Express was burnt, we didn't sleep even for one night.  The adivasis had been given money to do this eight days earlier.  What do they know of the difference between a Mandir and a Masjid.

 

Kawant village has a population of 10,000, of which 1200 are Muslims.  Although there was no trouble initially in Kawant, but every day the pressure on the adivasis of the village began mounting.  Everyday one or two families would be attacked.  On 11th March, the police told the Muslim families that they must move to a safe place, if they were to be protected, and they were all sent from Kawant to Bodeli town about 40 Kms., under police protection. Then at 11:00 a.m., they got word from the village that their animals had been taken away. The 300 Muslims who remained back in Kawant were then shifted on 12th  March to Baroda, about 115 Kms.. The looting went on for four days. 104 homes of the Muslims and 50 homes of the Bohras were burnt down.

 

Khureisi Ghulam Ahmed Bannubhai, the Mukhia and Panchayat Member of Kawant village said: “Although we were sent with protection to Bodeli, the PSI there told us that we were creating problems for them.  A police jeep was stationed in front to put pressure on us to leave Bodeli also.  So 900 of us took off in different directions.

 

The relief camp in Godhra town is located in the Iqbal Girls' High School and has 4000 refugees.  Unlike the Chhota-udepur camp, this camp receives no support from the government.  There are people from the Panchmahal district in this camp and although the official figure of the dead is placed at 60 in each of the four badly affected villages, unofficial estimates put the death toll at a minimum of 200 per village. The attacks on the people in Panchmahal began on the night of the 27th February itself i.e., immediately after the Godhra carnage.  Unlike the Chhota-udepur camp, people in the Godhra camp have suffered loss of life, sexual assault and loss of property, the attacks on them mirroring the assaults in urban areas like Ahmedabad.

 

People of Randhipur experienced the worst face of the genocide and ethnic cleansing. Bilkis, who is now six months pregnant at the relief camp in Godhra, met us at the camp. On 28th February, seventeen members of her family fled from Randhipur village and reached Chunri village, from where they fled to Puvajir.  After staying at Puvajir for an hour, they moved on and went to a masjid close by where her sister Shamim delivered a baby. From here the whole family moved to Bilkis' uncle's house in Khudra village.  Here, Bilkis' mother asked all the men to leave immediately to a safe place, saying that since they were women they would be safe. After the men left, these eight women stayed in the house of an Adivasi for two days. After which the family that offered them shelter felt they were not safe, so they gave these women adivasi clothes to wear and took them to Chhaperwad village on 3rd March.  From here, as they were on their way to Panivela village they were accosted by a group of 20 men from their village in two vehicles. Groups of three men each carried away one woman and raped them and killed them.  They also killed Bilkis' three-year old daughter and Shamim's newborn child.  Bilkis, who was pregnant when she was raped, lost consciousness and when she recovered consciousness she saw that she had no clothes on and hid herself in the hillock for twenty-four hours. After this, on seeing a police jeep approaching she came down for help.  The persons who raped Bilkis were Jaswant Naik, Govind Naik, and Naresh Moria, all from her village, Randhipur. They have been identified in the FIR by Bilkis. She was kept in the police station for one night before being brought to the relief camp.  In the relief camp, she was absolutely quiet for four days, after which she told one of the volunteers in the camp of her experience.  Two days before we met Bilkis, her husband had been traced and he was also at the camp.

 

Sabera, also from Randhipur, lost her husband Ayub in the genocide.  Ayub, his younger brother, Siraj, and Siraj's son Sikandar were attacked by a mob.  Ayub and Sikandar were killed, hanged on a tree and burnt while Siraj watched helplessly. Sabera has five children, all less than ten years of age.

 

Six-year old Saddam saw seven members of his family being killed.  Both his parents were killed.  Before his mother died she gave him sixty rupees.  He has not yet fully registered the implications of what he has witnessed, and just smiles in answer to questions.  Yet, there are moments when the smile leaves his face, especially when he sees Bilkis and Sabera and all the other women crying inconsolably.  He has no answer to questions like, "what do you want to be when you grow up?"  A volunteer suggests to him, "You want to become a police officer, don't you?  So you can beat up these people", and he smiles and nods.  When one of us suggested that be he could probably become a doctor, the volunteer said, "Where is he going to be able to study?  At least if his mother was alive he had some hope.  With both parents gone, what is he going to be able to do with his life?"

 

The women at Godhra relief camp shared with the team that in Vadivamanpur village, the police went to each Muslim house in the village and beat up and humiliated the women without any provocation, on Moharram day.

 

Adivasis and the Genocide in Gujarat

 

The very difficult question before us was the fact that the adivasis in the entire tribal belt were directly involved in the violence against Muslims this time.  With this forming a major part of the Hindu defense [“it was not us, it was the adivasis”], our primary effort in the investigation was to attempt to understand what seemed to us to be a paradox.  While we did find that adivasis had in fact been involved in the looting and arson in large numbers, the people who had been affected by the riots did not hold the adivasis responsible for the violence. It was clear to them that the adivasis had been paid and used for the job by the more powerful political forces. They also recognized that the adivasis did not really have the choice of refusing and were threatened and coerced into participating in the arson.  Liquor and money was freely distributed in addition to the entire share of the loot. And this information, in several instances was given to the displaced people by the adivasis themselves. 

 

In the village hierarchy in this entire region, the adivasis were the most disadvantaged sections, while the Muslims were better off, mostly moneylenders, traders and small and medium businessmen. To a great extent, the adivasis were economically dependent on the Muslims and the goodwill between the two groups was largely one of patron-client and had an economic base that went back several decades in most instances. This relationship between the Muslims and the adivasis, and the traditional positioning of the adivasi communities leads us to clear patterns in the violence in the tribal areas. 

 

With one exception, no Muslim was killed in the violence. The involvement of the adivasis was limited to economic crimes — looting and arson. No rapes or any assault on women were reported from these areas. Muslims in the relief camps were emphatic in their assertion that the adivasis did not touch them.  In Bilkis’ case, an adivasi family offered shelter and gave her clothes to wear, while Hindus of her village raped and killed all the women in her family with unimaginable brutality.  In Panvad, while the adivasis were responsible for arson, the affected people in the relief camp in Chhota-udepur named Kiritbhai Shah, Maheshbhai Joshi and Ashokbhai Sharma, all non-adivasi Hindus of giving orders during the looting.  This fact was further borne out during our visit to the village when we were told that Kiritbhai had said that no photographs should be taken of the village, while the person who accompanied us to the village and showed us the aftermath of the violence was an adivasi activist from the village.

 

Against this history, the reasons for the turnabout by the adivasis could have two facets.  One, the relationship of economic dependence is a class relation that has the clear potential of being exploitative.  And here the community identity of the person with economic power is largely irrelevant – the Bania and the Muslim moneylender fulfill identical needs in the village economy in an identical manner. This potential conflict then can be channeled in any direction. This is where it becomes necessary to look at the mobilization of adivasis on the fascist Hindutva agenda. 

 

A very important trend in the mobilization strategies of the Sangh Parivar that has not received as much attention as it should is the mobilization of dalits and adivasis across the country against Muslims.  In Jharkhand for instance, adivasis have been co-opted into the Hindu fold and asked explicitly to protect the Hindu faith, the Ram Mandir, and have been mobilized to go to Ayodhya in large numbers armed with their traditional weapons. In Gujarat in Vadi Vamanpur, for instance, Dalits and fisherfolk, were mobilized against Muslims, and in Chhota-udepur in Baroda District, Adivasis, mostly belonging to the Rathva group were paid and mobilized to attack Muslims in village after village.  In the process of mobilizing dalits and adivasis in this manner, the VHP is successfully accomplishing its other, more central agenda which is to homogenize culture and Hinduise it. Thus obliterating the identity and individuality of the Dalits and Adivasis, situating them firmly in the lowest rung of the Hindu hierarchy.  This is compounded by the fact of their illiteracy, poverty and unemployment and their consequent inability to comprehend in any depth the process that they are being co-opted into Hindu fold, and Muslims in this manner are wiped out by their elimination through genocide.

 

Our meeting with those involved in the Shanti Abhiyan in Baroda on 3rd April confirmed our view on the Adivasi involvement in the genocide as also our thoughts on the planned pogrom that was carried out by the Sangh Parivar in February – March 2002.

 

Can faith and hope be restored and sustained?

 

Twelve year old Safina, a class nine student, stood close to her mother watching as we spoke to the women at the relief camp in Chhota-udepur. Will you write the exams this time, we asked her. Yes she replied firmly.  What will you become when you grow up, we asked her. “Doctor” she said.

 

Allauddin Fakruddin of Bodeli, who is now at the relief camp in Chhota-udepur raised several critical questions, even while he is in this deep crisis with no resolution in sight. “We do not want to live separately.  After all this is what led to the formation of Pakistan?  It is not our desire.  They call us traitors. Did we kill Gandhi? Did we kill Indira Gandhi or even Rajiv Gandhi?  Hindus alone did not win freedom for this country.  Muslims, Christians, Adivasis, everyone fought together to free this country, and all of us take the responsibility to safeguard it.  We must live together with discipline.  Ultimately all of us must return to the ‘mulak’. This is our homeland. While we are here, we have responsibilities which we must fulfill in harmony”. That such a reflection is even possible in such a hopeless situation shows us the way for the future!

 

Our hope and faith is also immensely restored after witnessing the way in which the entire Muslim community has pulled together in this crisis. The people from the community were exclusively running both the relief camps we visited. The people of Godhra have been pooling together community resources to run the relief camps, spending Rs.30,000 per day for more than a month now, even conscious of the fact that they might need to do this for some more time to come. The people of Tejgarh, who wanted to set up a relief camp, were not allowed to do so by the administration. They said money was not the problem.  They would raise it, and take the entire responsibility.  But does this not hold the threat of a long lasting polarisation of the community and its ghettoisation? That it can be checked only if secular and democratic initiatives intervene to share the responsibility at this moment, so that providing relief and support does not remain a community affair but transcends to become a social responsibility?

 

Our faith is also restored when we hear Muslim elders in Godhra saying they did not believe all Hindus were responsible for this situation. They also informed us that even after so much had happened that not a single Hindu worker in factories owned by Muslims in Godhra was removed from work! Even Bilkis, who has suffered so much in this genocide that she will have to cope with the trauma for the rest of her life, said stoically, when asked what she would do if those who raped her and killed her people were brought before her, “ I won’t do anything.  He [pointing upwards] will do what is necessary.”

 

None of the people we spoke to used the language of revenge and retribution.  All of them said “ Hamare dil mein rahem hai. What is the difference between us and the perpetrators of this violence if we speak and think and behave like them”. This is not to say that there is no anger or hurt.  The encouraging fact is that in the middle of all this insanity, reason prevails!

 

Challenges

 

There are several challenges before us. The ones that immediately come to mind are:

 

Ø      How can these people, who have been displaced, be rehabilitated meaningfully?  It is perhaps impossible to compensate the losses fully. Yet, the government and administration have to be pressurized to fulfil their responsibilities;

 

Ø      What are the effective ways in which the propaganda against Muslims can be countered? Hate publishing especially in the media should be made a target of democratic resistance;

 

Ø      Long term security for children and women survivors, who are without any support;

 

Ø      Effective measures to fight the criminalization of Adivasis and Dalits and also to resist the growing space for confrontation between Adivasi Vs "Hindu" adivasi;

 

Ø      How do we build solidarity between Dalits, Muslims and Adivasis? How do we build a more broad based solidarity that brings people of the working classes together in ways that are strengthened in times of crisis;

 

Ø      Resistance to the rapid growth and spread of fascist communalism in India in general, and in Gujarat in particular, and the need to work towards a national programme to combat fascism in Gujarat.

 


Conclusions:

 

1.    The manner in which Muslim houses and business establishments have been systematically targeted and destroyed is not possible without elaborate long term planning.

 

2.    The scale of violence and the sheer volume of inflammable substances used are out of reach of adivasis. The adivasis were obviously supplied all these materials and used to perpetrate the violence on behalf of other forces;

 

3.    Police inaction in some places and active agency in other places indicates a certain level of autonomy and strength, which adivasis do not possess.  Witness the large-scale dispossession of tribals and the widespread repression unleashed on them by the armed forces and the police in different parts of the country.  A crucial question that arises is what is the source and cause of this unusual “collaboration” between adivasis and the police?

 

4.    The events in the past five weeks are state-sponsored genocide. Poverty, unemployment and social negligence have been used to draw in marginalized communities into the implementation of this pogrom.

 

5.    The survivors know that adivasis are not capable of such a level of organized violence. They have identified the Sangh Parivar clearly as being responsible for this violence.

 

6.    Survivors are also stunned by the adivasis involvement. This entire genocide is the result of careful planning, propaganda and indoctrination over ten years.  If this is not stopped immediately, the walls of hatred will only grow.

 

7.    The Sangh Parivar has hit two birds with one stone: Muslims have been eliminated, and adivasis have been shown as criminals responsible for that elimination.

 

8.    The gain has been that of the Sangh Parivar!  The responsibility has been fixed on the adivasis!

 

9.    The forces of Peace are very few and need to be enormously strengthened in order to combat successfully this dangerous politics. We need to move from a position of feeling ashamed and powerless to a position of strength.

 


Demands:

 

·        This state government must go. Wherever we went the ruling party and its affiliates have been clearly and unequivocally identified as being directly responsible for the violence.

 

·        The rehabilitation package announced by Atal Bihari Vajpayee is absolutely disproportionate to the needs of the people, who have been affected.  Compensation entitlements should reflect state liability in the loss.

 

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